Three Conceptual Pitfalls

There are (at least) three ways the presentation of the Voynich manuscript is deceptive, three pitfalls. 

To be clear, none of these might be by authorial intention, but anyone who peruses the manuscript is likely to form an erroneous opinion for (at least) three reasons, three things which are deceptive and lead researchers astray. 


The first is that the text appears to be linguistic but is not so. The text looks like a language, but it is not a language. 


The second is that it is a 'herbal' containing a catalogue of herbs for the purposes of identification. This turns out not to be the case either. 


The third is that the work is folkish, rustic and unsophisticated. The illustrations and the manuscript overall gives this impression. But it is also false. 


It is a work of the early Renaissance, and they say the script is 'humanist' in style, but otherwise the work does not seem 'humanist' at all. 


It seems more medieval, and unaffected by the early Renaissance 'humanist' movement - a movement that was educated, scholarly and, at that time, confined to quite a small strata of society. 


The Voynich seems more folkish.


And since it is not conspicuously or only nominally Christian we might suppose it draws upon pagan or pre-Christian influences - a work not of scholars but of more common origins.  


The author is educated, but the overall presentation is rustic.


* * *


The present writer once studied (and wrote a 25,000 word paper) on Masaccio's fresco, The Holy Trinity, dated to the late 1420s. 


This is a masterpiece of linear perspective and Dominican realism. 


If the Voynich is from the same period, it is worlds apart in style, execution, conception... everything. 


Massacio's fresco is a masterpiece of the early Renaissance. The Voynich manuscript is, as Voynich called it, an "ugly duckling" and there is little or nothing in it that announces the early Renaissance. (Except the 'humanist' script.) 


This is why the experts were so wrong about the dating. Some of the experts saw the work from later, on the basis of identifying plants from the New World. But everyone else placed it earlier, away from the classical influences of Renaissance scholarship. 


It came as a great surprise to many when the carbon dating was established. It is not a typical work of the early 1400s, and most experts expected an earlier date. 


The perplexing thing was the 'humanist' writing but the work does not otherwise seem to participate in early Renaissance 'humanism' at all. 


The impression is of a medieval herbal written in a mysterious language. 


But it is not medieval, not a herbal, and not written in a mysterious language. 


From these first appearances, researchers are likely to head off in wrong directions. 


Readers of these blog pages will see how I was misled, and have grappled with, each of these deceptions. 


The third of them is the most grievous and underpins the other two. 


* * *


To clarify what is the actual situation (as I now see it):


1. The text is quasi-linguistic. It looks like a written text, but in fact it is a record of astrological notations concerning meteorology and the risings, settings and culminations of fixed stars. 


2. The manuscript is not a herbal. It looks like it belongs in the genre of northern Italian 'Herbals' which have a catalogue of medicinal herbs. 


But the 'herbs' are not identifiable herbs in the usual manner. 


Instead, what we have is a study of botany (from an astrological viewpopint.) Not "herbs" but plants. Not a materia medica, but a materia botanica


It is something other than a work about herbal medicine. 


3. Most importantly, though, it is not folkish: rather it is far more classical than it appears. 


As it happens, the 'humanist' writing is tell-tale. The direct inspiration for the work is Hellenic and classical, and it is part of the 'humanist' recovery of the Graeco-Latin heritage. 


Specifically, it is Ptolemaic and is directly inspired by the celebrated copy of the Canones of Ptolemy which, at the time, was in the library of the Bishopric of Brescia. 


More specifically still, it is inspired by the iconography of the Helios figure in that manuscript.


We know this Canones to be a Carolingean manuscript from the 9th C. but early Renaissance humanists were under the impression such works were ancient and classical. 


Thus they copied Carolingean miniscule in the belief it was the ancient Latin writing style. 


Beyond that direct and demonstrable influence, the Voynich astrology concerns Ptolemy's Phases of the Fixed Stars; a solar/stellar astrology of heliacal risings matched to seasonal and weather patterns.


It is very Ptolemaic. Very (ancient) Greek. Very Hellenic. It represents an attempt to recover an ancient system. 


Assuredly, medieval cosmology was Ptolemaic, but our author has studied the Canones - and what we might call its Helios cosmology - in pursuit of the ancient Ptolemy. 


This makes our author a humanist, indeed, with classical interests. Nominally a Christain, but with interests in the Graeco-Latin classics and the humanist project of recovering that lost heritage. 


His focus is Ptolemy, and his belief is that the Helios figure in the Brescia Canones is a key to Ptolemy.


Herein, too, is the source of the folkishness of the manuscript. If the Voynich illustrations seem crude, so too its the Helios illustration in the Canones. In fact, for the most part, the nymphs in the Voynich are slightly better drawn than the cartoonish figures in the Helios illustration in the Brescia Canones. 


This is not the humanism that tries to copy classical sculpture and architecture, or tries to rediscover linear perspective: the author believes the Brescia Canones is ancient (when in fact it is Carolingean) and that the cartoonish nymphs are in an ancient style. 


This cartoonishness makes it look medieval and rustic to us: it is intended to look ancient, in the style of the (supposedly ancient) illustrator who composed the Helios figure. 


It is even possible that the Voynich illustrator was able to draw much better, but deliberately aped what he thought was an ancient style. 


Similarly, the script has been designed with 'humanist' objectives, aping Carolingean styles in the belief they are authentically ancient. 


As for the botany, it is under the natural rulership of Helios. It is not a medical botanica, it is a study of botany in relation to the Helios cosmology - something quite different. 


* * *


From the outset, I have resisted proposals the work is Hellenic in nature. Others have seen allusions to Ovid, or Virgil, or other classical sources. These all seemed unlikely to me. 


Rather, I gave the work more rustic, local origins. There might still be a local, rustic dimension, but the work is far more Hellenic than I had allowed. Appearances are deceptive. 


The linguistic deception is the deepest in Voynich Studies, though. The text looks as though it can be read, even pronounced. But on closer inspection it is constructed, a system of notation, primarily a system of numbers. It is quasi-linguistic. 


This remains to be given a full explanation, but in the first instance an explanation presents itself:


The text of the Canones is alphanumeric. Numbers are Greek letters. Under this inspiration, our author has devised his own alphanumeric system, an adaptation of Roman numeration.


Again: it is not necessary to think that the author set out to deceive readers in these ways. More likely, we have misunderstood the work. 


And again I point out that these are conceptual difficulties.  We fail to accurately or adequately conceptualize what it is we are looking at in this manuscript. 


The overarching question is: If it is not a medieval herbal written in a mysterious language - if this is a false impression - what exactly is it?


We might have to give up cherished certainties in order to provide an answer. 


R.B. 


The Cyclic Template

As I have presented it throughout these pages, there are two paradigmatic words upon which the Voynich text has been constructed. 


This, however, is a static conception of it: in reality, these "words" are CYCLES and we only understand them properly if we acknowledge them as underlying structures running throughout the text.


Moreover, there are more than two cycles: the two paradigms I identify, QOKEEDY and CHOLDAIIN are at the top level of the text. 


Beneath them is what I have called the Primitive Paradigm. There is also what I have called the Counter Cycle. 


Using a volvelle model, we might think of these as wheels within wheels - with one of the wheels counter to the others. 


The full model looks something like this:







I have tried many iterations of this template, and at this stage - for all its many deficiencies - this model gives the best account of the text, both in terms of words, and also in terms of lines. 


Notice that in this version there are two cycles of CHOLDAIIN running off-set to each other. This is an expression of the essential duality of CHOLDAIIN. 


If we put the sub-cycles aside, our basic top-level template becomes:




My contention is that there is no word in the text that cannot be shown to conform to this model.


* * *


An important addition to this is that Voynich words must be understood from how they operate within their context. My contention is that there is no word in the text that cannot be shown to conform to this model - with one proviso, namely we must see the word in context.


We will make mistakes if we isolate words and simply place them against this template. We must be guided by other words.


The statistics for words and glyphs can be misleading without context too.


In many cases we could attribute a glyph to several options in the template. Where this is the case, other words guide us. 


The best example is the word [chedy]. It could be formed from the template in several ways. From the context of Voynich lines, however, we can establish the proper placement - that which is consistent with similar words and glyph configurations. We see that the [che] in this case is a form of [eee] rather than some other possibility. 


The other thing that can be misleading is the transcription. (All transcriptions mislead.) It is important to refer to the Voynich script. Often decisions are confirmed by the shape of the glyph and its proper place will be clear in the Voiynich script but obscured in transcriptions. 


* * *


Here is a line of text potted onto this template:


f108v.P.1 


pchedal.qokeedar.otedy.qokeedy.lky.ltal.aiin.oteo.fcheey.otedar.am.ol-




I will discuss this and other examples in forthcoming posts. At very least, this is a useful analysis tool. It follows from the realization that templates will not work unless they are understood to be CYCLIC. 


R.B. 


Measuring the Q-Text

There is a simple and consistent way to expose the fundamental structures of the Voynich text, including - or even especially - the phenomenon of Text A and Text B.

We do this by establishing a simple measure of the penetration of the two template words, QOKEEDY and CHOLDAIIN, in any given portion of the Voynich text. 


We use these measures:


*Mark the glyph [q]

*Mark any gallows glyphs

*Mark the glyph [e]

*Mark the glyph [y]


This reduces the QOKEEDY paradigm down to the four unique elements: Q K E Y. 


Next we mark the bigrams:


[qo], [ed] and [dy].


This step identifies those places where the [o] and the [d] are supplied by QOKEEDY rather than CHOLDAIIN. 


We can take a simple count of these glyphs and then we can take them as a proportion of the glyphs in any given portion of text. 


The question is: How much QOKEEDY is there? 


At the same time, it is asking: How much CHOLDAIIN is there? because whatever is not from the QOKEEDY template is from CHOLDAIIN. 


For convenience, I will refer to this property as Q. How much property Q is in a portion of text?


In these simple steps we can establish the extent to which QOKEEDY has intruded into, or forms, the text. 


We can apply the method to words, lines, paragraphs, pages or larger samples of the text. 


We can apply it to the entire text and generate what we can call a Q-Text - the whole text with the signatures of the QOKEEDY template marked. 


(It's nice to introduce the symbol Q as a category here. It makes me homesick for New Testament Studies... but it's not that sort of Q-Text.) 


It is a straightforward binary stratification of the text according to the two defauilt words: QOKEEDY and CHOLDAIIN. 


We mark QOKEEDY because it is the more stable of the two paradigms. Only the gallows glyph has variants whereas CHOLDAIIN readily mutates: [ch] becomes [sh], for example. It is easier to track the elements of QOKEEDY. 


It seems as though QOKEEDY is imposed upon CHOLDAIIN and not the other way around. 


If we assume that the two paradigms are equal partners in the text, the natural boundary is 50%. 


* * *


As an additional measure we will also note especially the glyph [q].  


This is the defining feature of the Q paradigm. The initial [q] is an unmistakeable signature of the QOKEEDY template.


In a word we ask: Is there an initial [q]?


In a longer sample of text such as a line we ask: How many words begin with [q]? 


For convenience, I will refer to this property - [q] initial - as q. How much property q - q-ness - is in a portion of text?


It is a shorthand guide because it largely matches the property Q, but we can have strongly Q text without many initial [q] glyphs and so we will treat it as a separate sub-measure. 


As a convention I will mark the Q-Text blue, and the initial [q] red


Calculations are simple percentages. 


Q = the percentage of QOKEEDY glyphs. 

q = the percentage of words with initial [q].


Note: Q is a measure of glyphs. q is a measure of words. 


Note also: for counting purposes the benched gallows are counted as two glyphs, [ckh = [k] + [ch] and [iin] and [iir] are counted as one glyph. 



* * *


As I say, we can apply this procedure to any portion of text whatsoever and calculate a measure of Q (and q).


qokaiin


[qokaiin] is five glyphs, with three of them from QOKEEDY. The proportion of Q = 60%. (The additional measure q = 100%.)


Words: 


qokaiin = 60%

cheey = 75%

okchedy = 66%

qykchey = 83%

shorody = 33%


Labels:


oparairdly = 22%

okchoy = 40%

otardaly = 25%

fary = 50%

sheosam = 16%

rfchykchey = 62%


Lines:


doiin.otey.okeeol.saiin.okeol.qokeol.ctheol.qokeol.dy.qokaiin-


48 glyphs of which 22 are Q-Text. Q = 45%


Ten words of which three are [q] initial. q = 33%


qokain.chckhy.qokeey.qotedy.qotedy.qotary-


27 out of 33 glyphs are from QOKEEDY.


6 words of which 5 begin with q. 


Q = 81%

[q ] = 83%


Paragraphs and groups of lines:


pcheo.dair.okchedy.olkeeedy.or.arody.qopchdy.shol.fchdy.cheoky.lchedy.qokam    ysheor.aiin.char.okaiin.qokeechy.checkhy.qokeod.ar.qokeo.lkeo.leeo.ram     shor.sheor.orkchsd.otairor.qokeeo.raiin.qokeeo.lchedy.olchedy.qokeol.qoky    olcheoiin.ychedy.qokam.sheol.qokor.cheees


There are 222 glyphs. 96 are marked. Q = 43%  There are eleven cases of [q]. There are 83 words. q = 28%


Q = 43% of glyphs

q = 28% of words


* * *


It is when we do this to large samples of text that we come up with the idea of "two languages", Text A and Text B. In fact, they are different concentrations of the two paradigms.


In Text A we find far less intrusion of elements from the QOKEEDY paradigm. CHOLDAIIN dominates. In Text B it is the opposite.


We also find different concentrations in different sections and pages - so-called 'dialects' of the so-called 'languages'. 


The easiest way to map them and make them visible is to mark the Q-Text, impose the paradigmatic form QOKEEDY upon the text.  


This is, I submit, a revealing and useful methodology. 


R.B. 

Almanacs: Ptolemy's Phases



The other word for what I am proposing regarding the Voynich text, namely that it is a type of astrological record, is almanac


In fact, this offers a better conceptual framework for what we see in the text. It resembles an almanac in some respects, and in the medieval (and ancient) manner it includes both astrological and meteorological data. 


This does not easily explain the botany and the pharmacology - and the Voynich contains no tables as almanacs typically do - but there is an astro-meteorological system depicted in the cosmological (circles) section, and elsewhere, and it appears to set out systems of celestial and terrestrial cycles. 


On my analysis, this is true of the text as well. It is a system of notation (mainly numerical) based on divisions of the ecliptic generated by two templates, QOKEEDY and CHOLDAIIN. 


I have characterized QOKEEDY as celestial and CHOLDAIIN as terrestrial. 


By extension, QOKEEDY concerns the stars and solar cycles, while CHOLDAIIN concerns the manifestations of these cycles in the cycles of nature, weather and so forth. 


It is the standard medievel model in this respect: astrology and meteorology are interlinked, two parts of a single system. 


This is also the nature of medieval almanacs. They combine astrological and meteorological data. 


* * *


As it happens, investigations into the zodiacal images in the manuscript - the central rondels depicting the creatures of the zodiac - suggest a dependence upon an almanac. 


The illustrator seems to have relied upon an existing series of zodiacal images such as those typically found in almanacs or Books of Hours. 


They have been especially linked to a known (southern) German almanac or style of almanac.


The zodiac names that have been added in French lead investigators to northern French almanacs.


This only tells us that our author/illustrator owned or used an almanac(s), which is unsurprising, but it underlines the calendrical nature of some diagrams and suggests that an almanac may have been among the models for the manuscript. 


Is the Voynich ms. made to be consulted? Is it a practical work, like an almanac, that was made to be of use, listing, or allowing the calculation of, relevant times and dates?


Certainly, the central section, the circular diagrams, the section I refer to as the APPARATUS - that includes the zodiac wheels - has this appearance. The diagrams - the wheels - seem made to be consulted. 


If only we understood these wheels and how they work, it looks as though one can look up dates and times with them. 


* * *


When it comes to almanacs, though, there is a host of possibilities extending all the way back to Hesiod's Works and Days


Of more interest, perhaps, is the almanac of Ptolemy because - as readers of these pages will know - I regard it as very likely our author knows, has been inspired by, the Canones of Ptolemy (Ptolemy's Handy Tables). 


It is now my contention, anyway, that the author is familiar with the copy of the Canones then in Brescia, with its cryptic depiction of Helios and his nymphs. There is a clear allusion to that image in the Voynich ms. in the centre of the letter wheel on f57v. 


Our author's focus, then, is on Ptolemy and we must suppose he has a natural interest in other works by Ptolemy. 


Ptolemy composed an almanac, known as the Phases, or the Phases of the Fixed Stars


Essentially, it correlates the risings and settings of fixed stars (heliacal risings)  with meteorological events. 


Here is a sample (Robert Schmidt translation):



This, I think, looks very promising as a possible model for what we see in parts of the Voynich text. 


It is suggestive as a format, and it is clear that the astrology in the Voynich is especially stellar (rather than planetary) in nature, as is Ptolemy's Phases. 


Of all the other works of Ptolemy, besides the Canones (which sets out solar cycles), the other work most suggestive of the Voynich is the Phases (Phasieis).


More so than the Tetrabiblos and even the Amalgest.


On the face of it, Ptolemy's Phases presents itself as a possible source of inspiration for our author.


Many posts ago, when considering the Canones, I surmised that "there must be another source..." another work our author is using, along with the Canones. 


Among other works by Ptolemy, the Phases is a good candidate.


* * *


Or would be, except that it was not extant in our historical period. Rather, it was only reflected in Arabic almanacs which used Ptolemy's format and basic methodology, correlating star phases to weather patterns and natural cycles.


The relevant Arabic literature in our period was from Spain, with Hellenic (Ptolemaic) foundations. 


Most importantly, there was the tradition of the so-called Cordoban Calendar found in the Kitab al-Anwa (Book of Phases) by Ibn Said (circa 980 CE).


Our author might have known such almanacs, but could not have known Ptolemy's Phases directly. (Noting that one view is that the Phases was originally part of the Amalgest, but not as we now know it.)


The relevant genre of literature is called parapegmata - essentially "farmer's almanacs". (The word comes from the practice of recording things with rows of pegs and is applied, by extension, to almanacs.) There is a rich tradition of such works in Arabic called 'Anwa'.  


* * *


But, stepping back from the textual traditions, we here encounter - surely - the type of astrology we find in the Voynich ms. 


Wikipedia presents the 'Anwa' in these terms:


It describes a curious meteorological forecasting system based on the position of the sun and the hiding of certain stars, associating these positions with certain repetitive phenomena experienced at that time.


But the system is not in the least bit "curious". Rather, it is altogether normal in astrological traditions. It only seems "curious" from the modern perspective.


The astrologer Robert Hand, in his introduction to Ptolemy's Phases, explains:


"This kind of astrology, based on the phases of the stars and planets with respect to the Sun, and from which is derived a collective rather than personal correlation between celestial and terrestrial events, is to be found all over the world among all peoples. It is non-horoscopic and mundane.

There is no need to look for origins either in Mesopotamia or any other single source. We find this kind of astrology among the Chinese, the ancient Northern Europeans, Native American peoples, especially MesoAmericans, and the peoples of the Indian subcontinent as well as the Greeks. Sometimes it is applied to weather, as it is here, sometimes to the affairs of the kingdom. The astrology that appears in the Vedas is this type of astrology. It is probable that this is the sort of thing that was practiced at Stonehenge."


Ultimately, this type of astrology goes back to such observations as the rising of Sirius corresponding to the flooding of the Nile and - relevant to the Voynich - the rising of the Pleaides signalling rains. 


It is remiss of me not to have made this straightforward identification earlier. The problem has been the expectation that medieval astrology - and Ptolemy's Canones - is essentially planetary. 


The astrology of the Voynich is conspicuously stellar in nature, or rather solar/stellar. 


As Robert Hand observes, solar/stellar astrological systems, correlated to mundane events (such as weather) are both early and pervasive, and it seems that in the Voynich ms. we have a case of it. 


Like Ptolemy's compendium Phases on which most of them ultimately depended, medieval almanacs tended to be solar/stellar rather than planetary. The astrology of the Voynich appears to participate in this tradition. 


The problem, in a sense, is not that the Voynich astrology is esoteric or eccentric, but rather that it is quite ordinary. It is a version of a quite standard, ancient and widespread, astro/meteorological system. 


Whether such an identification can be sustained or not remains to be seen, but it is a somewhat compelling conceptual framework in which to place the Voynich astrology, in the first instance. 


* * *


As for textual influences, there is the Phases of Geminus, or the Geminus Register, which resembles that of Ptolemy but, importantly, arranges the stellar phases by zodiac sign rather than Alexandrian (Egyptian) months. 


I do not know or have access to the 'Anwa' literature (and my Arabic is only rudimentary Koranic anyway) and so do not know what variant traditions there are among those works and how they might compare to the Voynich. 


In general, almanacs (parapedmata) is a large literature.


The Voynich has often been linked to the works patronized by King Alfonso of Spain, especially matching a known system of 360 stars to what is suggested in the Voynich. Influence from Arabic 'Anwa' (almanacs) would then be part of a broader Spanish influence upon the content of the manuscript. 


All the same, I want to insist that our author knows and is directly inspired by the Canones of Ptolemy. His authority is Ptolemy. Through whatever textual tradition, inspiration from or dependence on parapegmata is likely to be Ptolemaic


R.B. 


QOKEEDY as Astrological Formula

Below are some further notes on the Voynich text as a system of astrological notation consisting, primarily, of numbers. 

* * *


Concerning the paradigm QOKEEDY. To explain the proposed scheme more fully:


QOKEEDY is tripartite consisting of the three 'syllables': [qo] [kee] and [dy]. 


These are formulae with which to create the zodiac and the astrological divisions of the ecliptic. 


That is what QOKEEDY is: a formula for the creation of the zodiac


To break it down into the three parts, and to illustrate each: 



QO [qo]


This is the formula for the quarter days of the year. 


[q] = 4

[o] = 90


The cycle is divided into four. 4 x 90 = 360.


Alternatively, [o] might signify the entire cycle (360˚) and the [q] quarters it into 90˚ sections.


Either way, the bigram [qo] signifies the cycle quartered. 




KEE [kee]



The [k] (gallows) indicates one of the quarters of the year, solstices or equinoxes. [k] and [t] = solstices.


The bigram [qo] divides the cycle into four but does not indicate any particular division.


The gallows glyph now nominates a particular division. 


The gallows glyph indicates one of the solstices or equinoxes - the points that quarter the year. 


In this case, [k] indicates a solstice. 


The solstices divide the year in half. 


This division into two halves is indicated by the double [e] - [ee]. 


EE is the [o] divided into two because the solstice divides the cycle into two halves. 


If [o] is the full cycle, 360˚, [e] is half the cycle, 180˚. [e] = 180˚ and [ee] = 180 + 180. 


The particular gallows defines one or other of the half-cycles




DY [dy]


The suffix [-dy] consists of the two numerals 8 and 9. 


The full cycle [qo] and the half cycle defined by [kee] is now divided by twos (8) and threes (9).


This creates the traditional divisions of the zodiac, the decanates, the kerubic midpoints of the half-quarters, and so on. 


The divisions by two and three extend down to 72 divisions of 5˚ each. 8 x 9 = 72. 











To summarize:


[qo] divides the cycle into four quarters. (That is, two sets of halves.)


[kee] identifies one particular (solstitial) half cycle.


[dy] divides these structures by two and three to create the traditional divisions of the astrological cosmos. 


Again: QOKEEDY is a formula for the creation of the zodiac.


R.B.